[We publish here our translation into English of an article newly written by comrades in Mexico about the imperialist butchery in Gaza, amidst the backdrop of the recent ceasefire enforced on both warring parties by the United States. The original Spanish version is available here.]
Blessed Are the Peacemakers!
“Today the skies are calm. The guns are silent. The sirens are still. And the sun rises on a Holy Land that is finally at peace.”
—Donald Trump, 2025
On October 8 and 9, Israel and Hamas discussed the “first phase” of the ceasefire plan presented by Donald Trump—a 20-point plan within a broader five-phase framework for the disarmament of Hamas and the withdrawal of Israeli troops to a new dividing line in Gaza. Today, Monday, October 13, Israel released nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, while Hamas freed 20 hostages it had held since October 7, 2023.
Trump appeared before the Knesset, poured out a torrent of words for peace, received 22 standing ovations, and, with tears in his eyes, Netanyahu called him “the best friend Israel has ever had.” Hamas declared the agreement a “historic achievement,” and senior political official Mahmoud Mardawi claimed it was the result of “the steadfastness of the Palestinian people.”
The ceasefire and peace program will be discussed and signed in the coming months in Cairo, with Egypt, Qatar, Turkey, and, of course, the United States acting as supervising mediators for peace. Trump concluded:
“All Parties will be treated fairly! This is a GREAT Day for the Arab and Muslim World, Israel, all surrounding Nations, and the United States of America, and we thank the mediators from Qatar, Egypt, and Turkey, who worked with us to make this Historic and Unprecedented Event happen. BLESSED ARE THE PEACEMAKERS!”
I have taken part in the movements against the genocide of Palestinians. During this time, I was flooded with messages coordinating “solidarity actions with the Palestinian people.” Suddenly, today—Monday—they stopped. Something was not right…
Over the past two years, and especially in recent months, actions “in solidarity with the Palestinian people” brought together millions around the world: thousands in the streets of European metropolises, thousands in Latin American cities, demonstrations in the United States and parts of Asia and Africa. There were sporadic uprisings and regroupings of leftist organizations, moralist and humanist stances from the “radicalized” petty bourgeoisie, and groups defending Hamas. Antifa and anti-colonial flags returned to the streets in response to the brutal atrocities that the Zionist State committed with impunity before everyone’s eyes—recorded in real time.
The emergency demanded action; the extraordinary period demanded “real” solutions (whatever that means). People once again flooded the streets to stop the genocide perpetrated by Israel—sheltered by multiple European states, applauded by their disgusting lackeys in Latin America, financed and directed by the United States. And when the bombing stopped—it was the United States that achieved the ceasefire! Many comrades asked: What the hell does this mean?
Stop the Genocide!
“As far as anti-fascism is concerned, political considerations no longer count at all. Its task is to group together all those who are threatened by fascism into a kind of ‘union of the threatened.’”
—Bilan, Anti-fascism, a Formula for Confusion (May 1934)
I discussed with comrades: “There’s a constant regrouping of collectives.” “Yes, street-fighting actions are spreading again around the world.” Demonstrations for the ceasefire or against the genocide gradually began to take on familiar forms. Yet the political statements were contradictory: from appeals to “civil society” urging their governments to denounce genocide and cut diplomatic ties with Israel, to accusations of Western complicity with the “fascist-imperialist-colonialist” governments of the U.S. and Israel.
Some even took militarist-Islamist positions, insisting we must not criticize the “right to self-determination of peoples”—in other words, justifying Hamas’s actions or those of Iran’s Ayatollahs. At rallies, when a worker took the megaphone, they often didn’t know how to characterize the Palestinians, falling back on calling them simply “the Palestinian people.” What ideological confusion! Better to just throw that rock at the cop!
The massacre in Gaza is real, paralyzing terror. Decades of attacks, with unspeakable brutality over the past two years. It’s been ages since we’ve seen such an open, impudent slaughter. We needed to stop it by any means. In the streets there was uncertainty, despair, rage, impotence—haunted by the thought that it would never end.
Even so, it seemed that organization was advancing—that global actions for Palestine were breaking into the political scene, and humanitarian efforts were growing. Yet within that framework, no one spoke of revolutionary movements.
There are none. Therefore, our slogans drift in turbulent waters and dead-ends where we’ve already sunk before. Today, anti-fascism/anti-Zionism continues to gather rebels in the streets—against ICE in California, against Milei and Bukele supporters in Latin America, against Zionism, against an ultra-right that is so vast and contradictory that it’s hard to define: reactionary and conservative, nationalist and free-market, oligarchic and populist.
Maybe it’s time to dissect the reanimated corpse of the far right. The troubling thing is that despite their contradictions, all reactionary forces close ranks in the face of genocide, implementing a plan of military territorial appropriation—including ethnic cleansing.
Apparently, the left—and even ultra-left groups—are regrouping under that same principle: closing ranks against imperialist war, against Israeli colonialism, against fascism…
Farce and Tragedy?
“The problem is not to affirm: fascism is a threat, let’s build a united front of anti-fascists!
But rather to determine the positions around which the proletariat can concentrate its struggle against capitalism.”
—Bilan, No. 7, May 1934
But what capitalism is there in Palestine?
The Israeli occupation has created a situation that constantly obscures the circuits of capital accumulation in the region. Framing it as a wicked nation versus a virtuous “people” only deepens the fog covering its material reality.
At film screenings about Palestine, comrades noted the presence of workers from diverse regions—Thai farm laborers, Somali foot soldiers in the Israeli army, Czech and Cambodian migrants. Since the 1990s, Israel has imported Southeast Asian labor into occupied territory. Around 149,000 foreign workers, legal and illegal, toil in the occupied zones—an ongoing strategy to “de-Palestinize” waged labor in Gaza and the West Bank.
Gazan workers have been pushed to the margins, rendered a surplus population outside Israel’s accumulation circuit. They use Israeli currency, consume Israeli goods, and survive in petty-commodity production and service jobs. Zionism’s strategy turns them into a disposable proletariat; Gaza becomes a testing ground for military and surveillance technologies, later exported as “battle-tested.”
Meanwhile, Palestinian women in the West Bank work in hotels, agriculture, construction—most crossing into Israeli-controlled zones for minimum wages. Peasants, continually attacked by settlers, are also absorbed into Israel’s commodity system.
The Palestinian bourgeoisie that once enriched itself during British and early Zionist occupation now invests outside Palestine—in Beirut, Jordan, Saudi Arabia—tied to Gulf capital, not to local development. Whatever Palestinian-origin capital remains is ultimately supervised by Israel, leaving the Palestinian bourgeoisie tributary, fragmented, and class-incoherent.
Notably, this bourgeoisie is not the one sitting at the negotiation table over the fate of Palestinian workers.
After the Oslo Accords (1993–1995), the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)—composed of various groups—abandoned national liberation to negotiate mutual state recognition, turning its leadership into the Palestinian Authority, a “provisional government” managing Gaza and the West Bank. These new intermediaries between Israel and the Palestinian proletariat have been questioned both by autonomous class movements and by aspiring “national bourgeois” forces under Islamic law—Hamas.
Tracing the genealogy of proletarian autonomy’s capitulation to Islamist-military organizations reveals the historical limits of our class—and of Hamas’s ambitions. It’s a constant mistake of revolutionary analysis to see proletarian autonomy where none exists, even if such illusions are understandable amid today’s barbarism. Equally mistaken is the dogmatism that scolds real proletarian struggle for not fitting “theory.”
Today, many yearn for international coordination once again. But only by recognizing what—and who—we do and do not have can we begin to speak again of mutiny, revolt, and revolution.
Stop the Peace!
“All social life is essentially practical. Mysteries which lead theory into mysticism find their rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice.”
—Karl Marx, Theses on Feuerbach, Thesis 8
The first step toward building a revolutionary movement, the Situationists said, is to recognize that such a movement does not yet exist.
This is not to deny that the struggles fought so far have brought clarity. The mobilizations of the past two years grew steadily: the strikes in Spain and Italy, demonstrations in the U.S. and Latin America, the actions of workers in Jakarta, Seoul, and Tokyo—all helped force the “peace” negotiations.
Western bourgeoisies can afford a prolonged two-year war—it’s a continuous capitalist strategy to resolve crises of devaluation, destroy infrastructure, and reshape territories for new cycles of valorisation. Only international, collective action can interrupt it.
How? The Genoese dockworkers gave us a clue: they threatened to block Italian ports to halt the flow of Israeli weapons. Where are those weapons made? How are they transported? Every node of production and circulation must be targeted during uprisings.
Barricades, looting, clashes with police—these were common tactics in the turbulent period 2008–2018. We must analyze them: what were their reaches, their limits? A revolutionary tactic only has meaning as the expression of the proletariat’s autonomous insurrection; without that, it becomes an empty shell—easily hijacked by counter-revolution.
That decade of global insurrection was halted by the pandemic. Now, at the dawn of global regrouping, we must assess our historical limits. The balance sheet must be drawn today!
International pressure has halted the genocide—for now. But it has also legitimized Hamas as the representative of the Palestinians, just when workers themselves were questioning and attacking its leadership, and when hundreds of Israelis were deserting or refusing to take part in the genocide.
It’s necessary to keep up pressure in the streets—no state will defend our interests. Discussion among comrades is also crucial to sharpen our organizational direction. Regroupment and unification will arise only through exchanges—more or less fraternal. We must have nerves of steel for what’s coming.
Ideological positions will be refined on the battlefield, but revolutionary tactics will be refined in theoretical debate. There is a new generation of workers in the streets. Comrades in Nepal show the strength of a generation thought lost in the web of capitalist valorisation. They are not lost. Let’s weave generational bridges.
Any fraction of the proletariat could be the spark we need. More than ever, worldwide insurrection is possible.
The destiny of Palestinians is not written—it is still under attack, even by the macabre theater staged by the U.S., Israel, and Hamas. Capital is the global social condition of all existence on the planet—but this also opens the possibility that the local struggle becomes the prelude to the global one.
The battles we fight against capitalism are the battles we fight for the Palestinian proletariat! Stop the genocide, stop the capitalist peace!
Cap. Nemo – October 2025
Bibliography
Antagonismos actuales: división y composición de clases en Gaza Dos conversaciones con Emilio Minassian, Mapas y Huellas / Pensamiento & Ba talla / Biblioteca Autónoma Laín Díez 1ª Edición, 2025. Santiago, Chile.75p.
Endnotes & Megaphone, LAS ACAMPADAS POR GAZA Materiales para la subversión social Folleto 1ª Edición, junio 2024. Santiago, Chile.
Jean-Pierre Filiu. The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy or Israeli Tool?. Journal of Palestine Studies, 2012.
Pamela Ann Smith, Palestine and the Palestinians, 1876–1983 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984).
Sara Roy.Washington, The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-development, 3rd ed., DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 2016. 616 p.
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